A r c h i v e d  I n f o r m a t i o n

To Sum It Up: Case Studies of Education in Germany, Japan, and the United States

Chapter 3 - Dealing with Differences in Academic Ability (Part 2 of 2)

Gender and Tracking

An important decision faces students in all three countries as they consider which track they should enter. Traditionally, males were more likely to select science and engineering tracks and females were more likely to enroll in humanities or liberal arts tracks. More recently, efforts have been made in many countries to increase the representation of females in science and engineering. However, among the educators we interviewed in all three countries, it was generally agreed that these efforts have not been highly successful.

Japan. During the first 9 years of compulsory schooling, all students study the same curriculum, but once students enter an academic high school, they must choose between the science and the liberal arts tracks. Our observation and interview data show that a higher percentage of female students select the liberal arts track, while the science track is selected more often by males.

Teachers in the academic high schools indicated that students in both tracks take advanced mathematics courses, but the difficulty of the material and the number of class hours they attend is lower in the liberal arts than in the science track. This was not a matter of concern for most of the teachers we spoke to, who believed that the unequal representation in the two tracks by gender was a result of self-selection, based on students' perceptions of gender differences in ability and interest. According to one teacher, the gender differences in the two academic tracks was not considered a problem by most Japanese because the liberal arts track does not endanger the students' opportunities to enter a college or university.

Germany. According to the principals in the schools we visited, tracking students in secondary schools on the basis of their academic performance in fourth grade has led to fairly equal distribution of boys and girls in each of the three types of school. In one state, for example, females comprised slightly more than half of the students receiving their Abitur from Gymnasium, 52 percent of the graduates of Realschule, and 44 percent of the graduates of Hauptschule (Bundesministerium für Bildung und Wissenschaft 1993).

Within the three types of schools, however, the percentage of males and females in the various tracks differs markedly. Several curricular tracks exist within the Gymnasium, but the two that attract the most students are the mathematics and natural science track, in which males comprise the majority of the students, and the modern language track, which is dominated by females (BSME 1993).

Perhaps a more telling index of the gender differences in enrollment is the percentage of males and females enrolled in advanced courses in math during their last 2 years of Gymnasium. In our observations of advanced mathematics classes, the ratio of males to females was at least two to one, and in one school three to one. Females appear not to be pursuing an interest in mathematics to the same degree as males.

United States. Although parents and teachers said they believe that gender differences in mathematics and science have decreased over the past several decades, they also said there is a sizable difference in the enrollment patterns during high school for advanced level courses in these two subjects. Many explanations were offered for this gender gap, including differences in motivation, relevance of these subjects for future occupations, and parental support for taking the courses. Teachers' most frequent explanation for the decline in the number of girls studying mathematics during secondary school was the preponderance of male teachers in these courses and the lack of female role models.

Race and Tracking

Race is related to tracking in both Germany and the United States, but the racial homogeneity that exists in Japan keeps this from being a source of great concern.

Japan. Residents of Korean and Chinese ancestry may encounter discrimination in Japan, but a much more frequently mentioned minority group were the Burakumin, who differ socially but not racially from the general Japanese population. Burakumin, descendants of workers in trades that were considered undesirable, are found most frequently in certain neighborhoods in some Japanese cities. Because it is illegal to identify students as Burakumin, there is officially no way to relate their social status to enrollment in education programs. In conversations, however, there was mention of the difficulties these students face in attempting to enter certain types of education programs.

Germany. Germany has large numbers of foreign workers from a wide variety of countries, ranging from Greece to Somalia. In our interviews with teachers, they frequently mentioned that children of these workers often have difficulty in school and are overrepresented in the lower tracks. Teachers also stated that the low representation of these children in higher level schools is a result of many factors, including unfamiliarity with the German language, lack of home support for education, and lack of background for the content of the German curricula.

United States. High school students from racial minorities other than Asian Americans are overrepresented in vocational programs and underrepresented in advanced placement classes (USDE 1995). Vocational programs have been designed to provide graduates with well-developed skills necessary for entering the workforce. Unfortunately, these programs often have been criticized for their failure to provide the kinds of skills needed by potential employers. In addition to this impediment, we were told by principals and school counselors that counseling minority students about opportunities for careers requiring a college degree is difficult, because schools in poor neighborhoods do not have the course offerings that are sufficiently rigorous for qualifying the student for admission to a university.

Socioeconomic Status

When parents and teachers were asked about factors that influence education outcomes, the discussion nearly always involved the socioeconomic status of the child's family. The general argument was that a family's socioeconomic status influenced the family's support and interest in education which, in turn, influenced the child's interest in school and willingness to study hard. Reliance on socioeconomic status as an influential variable was less prevalent in Japan, where the Japanese regard their society as being relatively homogeneous. It was mentioned more often in Germany, primarily in reference to the growing numbers of children of foreign workers, and was frequently discussed in the United States, where neighborhoods and schools are highly stratified according to the socioeconomic status of the families.

Japan. Although there are differences in the socioeconomic status of families in Japan, schools actively discourage recognition and discussion of these differences. However, primarily in conversations about juku, teachers did mention the linkages between socioeconomic status and the ranking of schools, and between family income and students' achievement. Attending juku is expensive and the inability of some families to afford the high tuition was considered to penalize their children in their college entrance examinations.

Teachers pointed out that the advantages of a high income were evident in the level of education attained by students. "I don't have the exact data," one vocational school teacher told us, "but if you compare the family income of students who attend a university with those who are high school graduates and those who are middle school graduates, you will see a big difference." In this way, he continued, Japanese society was becoming more stratified by social class. Parents with higher incomes made it possible for their children to enter professions that ensured that they, too, would receive higher incomes.

These arguments were made not only in discussions of the situation believed to exist in urban settings, but also in discussion of urban-rural differences in the attainment of higher levels of education. Students in rural areas were often described by teachers as having fewer economic resources to continue their education beyond high school and to suffer from their inability to compete with students from large cities who were able to attend various after-school opportunities to review subjects included in the college-entrance examinations.

Germany. Just as the Japanese were concerned about the lack of opportunity of children from poor families to attend juku, the Germans we interviewed worried about the inability of poor children to attend kindergarten. As a result, parents were concerned that these children would not enter school with an appropriate readiness to learn.

To remedy these inequities, elementary schools in Germany provide supplemental instruction to students who enter school with deficiencies in academic, linguistic, social, and physical skills. Despite the schools' efforts at remediation, poor living conditions, lack of family support for education, and inadequate fluency in German were often cited by teachers as factors which kept students from performing at higher levels.

As a result of these problems, a disproportionately greater number of students from lower socioeconomic levels attend Hauptschule, the least demanding of the high schools, and enter lower-level vocational occupations (Arbeitsgruppe Bildungsbericht am Max-Planck-Institut [MPI] 1994). In contrast, parents who had attended a Gymnasium or Realschule indicated to us that they were aware of the opportunities that a high level of education would provide. These parents were able to encourage and assist their children, and to convey to their children the importance of aspiring to a high level of education.

United States. Several factors operate to produce great diversity among U.S. schools in their responses to individual differences among students. Foremost among them is the manner in which schools receive financial support. Schools in the United States receive nearly half of their funding, including that for teachers' salaries, from local tax revenues (USDE 1995). This means that schools, like the families of the students who attend the schools, have markedly different resources available for education. The influence of local decision-making also contributes to the striking differences between schools on policy issues such as tracking and retention.

In contrast to Japanese and German schools, where the same basic curriculum is presented at different levels of difficulty to students in the various tracks, U.S. students in well-supported schools have a greater variety of courses from which to choose. In addition, school bulletins, which listed available courses at the various high schools we visited, showed they have many more opportunities to take the courses that prepare them for the competitiveness they will face in attempting to enter high status occupations, while students in less well-supported schools usually do not have such opportunities. Similarly, the school's physical facilities, ranging from instructional equipment to the physical plant, may differ greatly among schools in different neighborhoods. In general, our observations revealed that resources were highest in middle- and upper-middle class suburban areas we visited and lowest in inner-city areas where families were living at or below the poverty line.

Students with Disabilities

Educators in all countries encounter students with mental or physical disabilities. Educating these students poses a difficult and expensive task. All three of the countries have institutions that offer special training to students with severe disabilities. Both the United States and Japan also have special classrooms within regular schools for students who have the social and physical skills necessary for living in a normal environment. More recently, efforts have been made in all three countries, especially in elementary schools, to include children with disabilities in regular classrooms.

Japan. All three types of arrangement (special schools, special classes, and mainstreaming) are available in Japan. Approximately 42 percent of the children who are judged to be in need of special education are enrolled in special schools and the remaining 58 percent attend special education classes in regular schools (Monbusho 1994). The inclusion of children with disabilities in regular classes was evident in nearly every school we visited, but the total number of children accommodated in this way remains quite small.

Children who are having difficulty with their school subjects may attend hoshu or juku. Hoshu are special review classes offered by regular teachers and are often taught at the beginning or end of the school day. These classes are open to anyone who wishes to enroll, but are required for students who have failed one of the regularly scheduled examinations. Juku offer several types of classes and among them are ones aimed at helping students who are having academic problems. The juku instructors, often former teachers, review the content of the textbooks and drill students in appropriate ways to analyze and solve problems.

Germany. Most students with disabilities attend special schools, called Sonderschule. Principals with whom we spoke, said that generally, children are recommended for Sonderschule by their families or by the public school they are attending. The child then undergoes a series of tests. Following these tests, the school superintendent consults with the parents or guardians and makes the decision whether the child should attend a Sonderschule or a regular elementary school.

In our interviews with teachers, they indicated that there is a movement in Germany to integrate students with disabilities into the regular school system, but that this seldom occurs. When it does happen, they indicated, the students typically are those described as dyslexic, learning disabled, or behaviorally impaired. Most schools do not have the facilities to handle physically disabled children.

United States. Public schools in the United States are required by federal law to identify and then provide special education services to all children with educational, emotional, developmental, or physical disabilities (Singer, Palfrey, Butler, & Walker 1989). The principals and teachers with whom we talked told us that children are examined by a multidisciplinary team that develops an individualized education plan for the student. Consideration is given in this plan to the student's current level of academic performance, the goals for the student, the evaluation of the student's progress, and the kind and duration of the services the student will receive.

The principals also indicated that arrangements for the implementation of special education services typically depends on decisions of the local school board and on the parents' wishes. In some schools, students with severe disabilities are mainstreamed into regular classrooms and receive special assistance from the special education teacher. In other schools, the children attend special education classes in separate classrooms.

Gifted Students

Another group of students often considered to need special forms of education are those judged to be gifted or talented. This is a controversial area in education. While it is relatively easy to gain consensus among educators and citizens that students with disabilities need special consideration, proposals to provide special classes for gifted and talented students often meet with criticism, as well as support.

Japan. The idea of separating gifted and talented students for special types of instruction is considered elitist by Japanese parents and school officials. Earlier in this century the opportunities to obtain an education in Japan were much greater for members of elite groups in society than for ordinary citizens. Anything that resembles a return to elitism is regarded as a violation of the principle that children should learn together as well as from each other.

Another reason for not providing special classes for gifted students was voiced by one teacher:

It is more important to take care of those who are not doing well. Those who are doing well can study on their own if I tell them what to study.

Teachers said that because Japanese curricula are constructed with the average student in mind, gifted students often find that they are already familiar with the material being covered in class. Nevertheless, students are not allowed to skip a grade, nor are there special classes for these students. Teachers described how they often resolve this situation by assigning these students more difficult problems, suggesting that it is possible for students to move ahead on their own, and describing other activities in which the student might choose to participate.

Most of the students and parents with whom we talked supported the practice of not giving gifted and talented students special consideration. They argued that the goal of regular classes is to reduce the gap between advanced and less advanced students and violations of this goal would mean that teachers were discriminating among the students on the basis of ability.

Only during the high school years, when students are separated into different tracks, different curricula within these tracks, and different courses within these curricula, are gifted students provided opportunities to study in a more rigorous environment.

Germany. German schools make no effort during the elementary school years to provide special programs for gifted students. Some teachers discussed how they provide gifted students with extra exercises or additional homework, but they said the prevailing view was that all children's talents and abilities should be strengthened, and above all, students should learn to be part of a group and to help each other.

The tripartite education system of German secondary schools makes it possible, as do the divisions within Japanese schools, to assign the most gifted students to the most challenging track. The curriculum, standards of performance, and academic orientation of instruction in the Gymnasium are meant to challenge the best and brightest students. Although the Gymnasium does not have special programs for gifted students, especially capable students may engage in academic competitions, out-of-school seminars, and research. In rare cases, students are allowed to skip a grade.

United States. Programs for gifted and talented students were available in several of the schools we visited. The programs generally were developed by the school board and principal in response to needs expressed by members of the community. However, some teachers noted that not all school districts are positive about establishing such programs, regardless of the attitudes of the parents. Their main argument against organizing such programs was that it diverts financial resources away from remedial and other programs for which there is a greater need.

Two common approaches in U.S. programs for gifted students are enrichment of the curriculum and acceleration. Enrichment activities include visiting resource rooms, responding to supplements to regular classroom activities, and participating in special interest clubs. The possibilities offered to U.S. students for acceleration exceed anything that is possible in Germany or Japan. Students may enter kindergarten early and skipping a grade is possible. U.S. junior high and high school students who display special levels of giftedness may be allowed to attend university classes for part of the day or may even be admitted to a university early.

Perhaps the most common form of special opportunities provided to gifted students are the pull-out programs in which gifted students remain in regular classrooms for part of the day, but spend the rest of the day in other classrooms where they receive special instruction in subjects such as mathematics and reading.

Summary

Consideration of individual differences in academic ability leads directly to a discussion of a society's fundamental beliefs about human development. A major issue in these discussions concerns the degree to which individual differences are attributed to innate versus environmental influences. This ever-recurring nature-nurture controversy generates strongly held opinions.

The Japanese emphasis on the role of effort is in line with the long-held Confucian beliefs about the malleability of human beings, and little attention is paid to innate factors. In contrast, the more biologically-oriented German view holds that the primary influence is derived from inherited characteristics. In the United States the position is less clear. While not denying the importance of innate factors, the most frequent explanation of differences in academic ability offered by our U.S. respondents was in terms of experiences resulting from the degree of family stability and support for education.

Another fundamental belief that differentiated members of the three cultures was the priority given to the individual relative to the group. Japanese choose to ignore individual differences as much as possible, with the rationale that separating individuals according to their interests and abilities disrupts the development of close relations among students, a factor that is believed to be an important goal of education. Germans choose to stress the importance of the group for the first four years of schooling, but the emphasis then shifts to a structure which is based on the needs of individual students. U.S. educators appear to be much more likely than either the Germans or the Japanese to attempt as early as possible to discover differences among students. The purpose of these efforts is to discover problems that may impede the student's academic progress.

Regardless of the orientation of the society in the nature-nurture controversy or in the relative emphasis placed on the individual versus the group, members of all three societies recognize the importance of preparing all students during their early years of schooling by imparting basic knowledge in core subjects such as reading, mathematics, and science. However, all three societies eventually abandon the attempt to provide common academic experiences for all children and give much greater attention to individual differences. By the time students enter high school in all three countries they are separated into different curricula, depending upon their prior academic performance, their interests, and parental wishes.

While there are similarities among the three countries in the most general organization of education, the philosophical positions held by members of a society have a profound influence on the society's views on specific aspects of education, such as tracking, students with special needs, and teaching practices.

If differences in academic ability are considered to be primarily a result of innate factors, the goal of education is likely to be to discover these differences early and to respond to them by placing children in different academic tracks. This is the case in Germany, where an attempt is made on the basis of the child's performance during the first 4 years of school to assign the child to a track that demands no more of the child than the child is capable of learning. If, on the other hand, differences in academic ability are attributed to environmental events, justification is found for attempting to create experiences at school that are assumed to be most likely to bring all students to a comparable level of competence. This is the case in Japan.

The greatest effort to meet the needs of individual students appears to occur in the United States. Special schools, programs, and classes have been established in many school districts in an effort to accommodate elementary school students who depart from the norm in terms of their physical and psychological characteristics. After the elementary school years, there are programs in all three countries of varying length, depth, and emphasis for responding to students with special needs. The most extreme cases are enrolled in special schools, but efforts are made to include children with less severe disabilities in ordinary schools. This is accomplished in Germany through the organization of schools that have markedly different standards, ranging from the rigorous Gymnasium to the less-demanding Hauptschule. In Japan, an important distinction is made between gifted and talented students and those who have learning, perceptual, or other types of disabilities. Providing separate treatment for gifted and talented students is believed to violate the widely accepted goal of avoiding any type of elitism in the public schools. In the past, special treatment for students with disabilities was not considered to be an obligation or responsibility of the schools in Japan. More recently, efforts have been made to establish special education programs in Japanese schools. In the United States, the curriculum within general purpose high schools includes courses of different levels of difficulty and special efforts are made to develop special curricula and to assist students with problems by placing them in special classes for part of the day.

Beliefs about the value of whole-class teaching differ to a greater degree among the three countries than does the actual form of teaching. Even though efforts have been made during the past decade to reform teaching practices in the United States by offering more individualized instruction, the typical pattern in the classrooms we visited continues to be that of a teacher assuming the role of primary purveyor of information to the whole class. In Japan, it is argued that whole-class teaching is a preferable form of teaching because it exposes all students to the same materials, enables students to consider the more effective and less effective responses, and allows teachers to act as knowledgeable and experienced guides. The manner in which the classroom is organized was less often a topic of discussion in Germany, although throughout all the years of school the major form of instruction in the various types of schools is through whole-class teaching.

It should be pointed out that in the Third International Mathematics and Science Study the scores of the eighth-grade students in both science and mathematics in the United States and Germany were significantly below those of students in Japan. The degree to which these differences are a result of the society's responses to individual differences in academic ability is a matter for further consideration. However, there was agreement in all three countries that the increasingly complex demands of everyday life mean that all students must be provided with the knowledge and skills necessary for becoming a member of adult society and for finding satisfactory employment.


-###-


[Chapter 3 - Dealing With Differences in Academic Ability (Part 1 of 2)]  [Table of Contents]  [Chapter 4 - The Place of School in Adolescents' Lives (Part 1 of 2)]