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[Summary of Literature Review Part 3]Education Reforms and Students At Risk - October 1996
It is important to recognize the effect of student background on children's "readiness to learn." Yet are our schools "ready to teach" children from diverse backgrounds? Many of the schools that serve poor children and children of color may lack an engaging school climate, adequate support services, and challenging instruction. In this section, we explore the ways in which the interactions of students and teachers -- and the relevance and rigor of curriculum -- may influence school climate. Also, we examine the resources available to schools. Proposals to enhance the school environment for children from diverse backgrounds are outlined below.
School climate. To provide a warm school climate, school administration and support services in poor areas must be especially sensitive to the needs of students with responsibilities or problems outside school (Hill, Foster, and Gendler, 1990; Fraser and Fisher, 1982; Moos, 1979). Students need to feel attached to school as a supportive community that recognizes their individuality and that cares about and promotes their success (Bidwell, 1987; Coleman, 1987; Bryk and Driscoll, 1988; Lightfoot, 1978; Lipsitz, 1984; Wehlege et al., 1989; Young, 1990; Coalition for Essential Schools, 1985). Unfortunately, school climates are often inhospitable to these students. They are more likely to be inappropriately tracked (Snider, 1989; Suarez-Orozco, 1989) and to receive inadequate psychological services due to insufficient service levels (Tuma, 1989), counselor insensitivity (Gibbs and Huang, 1990), or a lack of training (Christensen, 1992). Studies of homeless and migrant children emphasize that highly mobile students may especially suffer from inadequate administrative and support practices (Morse, 1988; Phillips, 1985; Molnar, Rath, and Klein, 1990; Nichols-Pierce, 1992).
Instructional practices. If instruction fails to engage and challenge students, classroom climate and intellectual development may suffer. In fact, interest is a significant determinant of how people attend to and persist in processing information (for a review of research, see Hidi, 1990). Children are more likely to learn material that stimulates their interest (for other theories of student motivation, see Ames and Ames, 1984, 1985, 1989; Brophy, 1987; Blumenfeld et al., 1991; Lepper, 1988; Willis, 1991). The lack of active learning experiences may help explain why students' interest in challenging subjects tends to decline (Anderson, Pruitt, and Courtney, 1989; Reyes and Laliberty, 1992); others cite pressure and boredom (Farrell et al., 1988). With no incentive to exert effort in the classroom, school becomes increasingly irrelevant and boring, while peer pressure becomes increasingly important. Peer loyalty has a payoff -- mutual assistance and emotional support -- while attempting to conform to school pressure does not appear to be rewarded. McDill, Natriello, and Pallas (1986) warn that the reform movement's push toward raising academic standards may place more students at risk. If students are not given opportunities to experience academic success, they are more likely to become disengaged and dropout (Ekstrom et al., 1986; McDill et al., 1985, 1986; Wagenaar, 1987; for research on student accounts of their decision to drop out, see Pallas, 1986; Peng and Takai, 1983; Rumberger, 1983).
Racial tensions exacerbate this relationship. When school climates fail to foster positive interethnic relations, hostilities among teachers and students may lead to disengagement and racial polarization (Semons, 1989; DeMeis and Turner, 1978; Rist, 1970; Williams and Muel, 1978). Fine (1983) suggests that the "at-risk student behaviors" of some youth may be a protest against the racial, gender, and class biases in schools. Others suggest that it is not race but the stigmatization of tracking that fuels disengagement and dropout: Page (1989) found that middle-class, lower track students are about as likely to become disengaged and drop out as are students from "disadvantaged" backgrounds (for other studies on tracking, see Hallinan and Sorensen, 1985; Ianni, 1989; Koslin et al., 1972; Slavin, 1990; Braddock, 1990; Kulik and Kulik, 1982).
However, if schools are too accommodating to low performance, they may limit the usefulness of school attendance. Continuation schools, for example, may be more responsive to students' needs (e. g., offering daycare to young mothers) and thus often may be more attractive to students than comprehensive schools; however, they may stifle achievement by offering limited opportunities for academic challenge (Kelly, 1989; Miller, Leinhardt, and Zigmond, 1988).
School resources. Over the past 30 years, various studies have documented huge expenditure disparities among districts and schools (Barton, Coley, and Goertz, 1991; Taylor and Piche, 1990; Sexton, 1961; Kozol, 1991; McCarty, 1989). The effect of these disparities on educational outcomes continues to be debated, with some arguing that resources matter (Ferguson, 1991; Biniaminov and Glasman, 1983; Eberts and Stone, 1988; Kiesling, 1984) and others vigorously contesting that it is family and peer influences that determine student performance (Coleman et al., 1966; Gastil, 1972; Hanushek, 1990; Deutsch et al., 1967). Some researchers who argue in support of equity in school outputs further assert that impoverished schools may need more funding than middle-class schools (Green and Schneider, 1990; Capper, 1990; Levinson, 1988).
Furthermore, research suggests that there are cumulative, interactive effects between risk factors and resources (Werner and Smith, 1982). As students progress through school, the interaction of risks and resources over time may lead to achievement disparities (Walberg and Tsai, 1983). The presence of multiple risk factors has a potentiating effect on a child's other risk factors (Rutter, 1979; Benson, 1990; Frymier, 1992; Mensch and Kandel, 1988; Monk and Ibrahim, 1984).
Interactions of Risk and Resources
It is misleading to assess the risks posed by home or school characteristics in isolation from one another. Parent and teacher expectations that, in and of themselves, pose no risk to children may cause problems if they are in conflict (Becker, 1991). In some cases, dissonance between home and school may be caused by cultural differences (Boykin, 1994; Gordon and Yowell, 1994; Greenbaum, 1985; Moore, 1985; Valdivieso and Nicolau, 1994; Vogt, Jordan, and Tharp, 1987). Merely providing multicultural materials will not eliminate dissonance; learning contexts must also allow for differences in the values, skills, and learning styles children bring to the classroom.
Many at-risk behaviors co-occur due to cause-and-effect. Young people who skip classes, for example, miss out on instruction, thus they have a harder time passing tests and making good grades. Academic failure may further discourage them from coming to class, thus a downward spiral of absenteeism and poor achievement may ensue. At-risk behaviors may also co-occur because of direct or indirect peer influences. For example, if a young person skips class with friends who use drugs or alcohol, the young person may pick up the habit to fit in. Also, at-risk behaviors, and the responses of teachers to these behaviors, may place an entire class at risk, not just the students who choose to engage in at-risk behaviors. For example, Monk and Ibrahim (1984) find that the standardized test performance of students who regularly attended class may be negatively influenced by their classmates' absences. The time teachers spend reviewing lessons with chronic truants may take time away from educational opportunities for the rest of the class.
Many educators point to the cumulative effects of resources to argue for early intervention programs. Campbell and Ramey (1989) report that preschool intervention is more effective than school-age intervention at enhancing intellectual growth and improving student performance. Other research suggests preschool programs may have long-term positive effects on literacy, employment, and social behavior (Berrueta-Clement, Schweinhart, Barnett, Epstein, and Weikart, 1984). However, a "fade-out" effect may occur if successive grades fail to build upon preschool influences and address age-specific needs (see Natriello, McDill, and Pallas, 1990).
Researchers increasingly conceptualize poor educational performance as the outcome of a process of disengagement that may begin as early as a child's entry into school (Finn, 1989; Kelly, 1989; Merchant, 1987; Rumberger, 1987; Natriello, 1984). According to this model, students who do not identify, participate, and succeed in school activities become increasingly at risk of academic failure and dropout. In order to improve student achievement and persistence, the model suggests that the school climate must foster "investment" behavior; schools must encourage student involvement in academic and extracurricular activities by stimulating their interest, increasing their personal resources (e. g., remediating skill deficiencies), and rewarding their efforts.
Thus far in this section, we have reviewed both traditional and innovative school responses to the challenge of educating students at risk. Given the diversity of the student population, no single strategy will provide the solution to all education-related ills. The challenge for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners is to develop connected strategies that stimulate learning among all students, while ensuring that the specific needs of students at greatest risk are not lost in the fray.
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