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Differences in ability play a central role in the organization of the German education system, which is structured to differentiate students according to their ability and interests. As children move through the system, they are channeled into schools that are progressively more delimited both by range of ability and curricular focus. During the first 4 years of schooling (6 in Berlin and Brandenburg), all students attend a common elementary school, in which they work together in the same classroom regardless of ability level. Heterogeneity of ability shapes pedagogical practice. At the end of elementary school, children are tracked into one of four types of lower level secondary schools. Tracking by assessed ability dilutes the heterogeneity of the classroom, particularly for the three traditional lower level secondary schools: the Hauptschule, the Realschule, and the Gymnasium. These three types of school accomplish a hierarchical differentiation of ability, where ability is roughly understood as the capacity to deal with complex, abstract knowledge. High-ability students attend Gymnasium. High-ability students with practical interests or moderate-ability students attend the Realschule. Low-ability students attend the Hauptschule.
A fourth type of lower secondary school—the Gesamtschule—seeks to avoid segregation by ability level in either of two ways. The cooperative Gesamtschule segregates children by track but includes all tracks within one school organization. The integrated Gesamtschule avoids tracking for whole classes and keeps students of mixed ability levels together for as long as possible. Differences in ability in the integrated Gesamtschule are dealt with through a differentiated system of advanced courses.
Institutional tracking of students by level of ability is carried even further in the upper level secondary school. At this level, a clear distinction is made between students wishing to seek a vocation and those who have the ability and aspiration to continue their studies at the university level. The institutional differentiation of the German education system enables students of widely different abilities and interests to find institutional settings suited to their particular profile of abilities. Consequently, the dropout rate among German schools is relatively low (Department of Education and Science [DES] 1986), with more than 90 percent of students receiving some form of graduation certification.
The German education system deals with ability differences at two levels: the tracking decisions made at the system level, and the curricular and pedagogical practices conducted at the school level. The hierarchical structure of the German school system necessitates the explicit and repeated assessment of student ability. The tracking decision, particularly from elementary to lower level secondary school, is a key aspect of the German system's approach to coping with ability differences.
Yet generalized claims about the ways in which the system as a whole copes with differences in ability reveal only part of the picture. A more detailed understanding of the ways differences in ability are dealt with in the German system requires consideration of ability-related practices according to the type of school in which the children are enrolled. Tracking segregates students into three ranges of ability: high, moderate, and low. It is up to the different types of schools to deal with differences in ability within these ranges. Because schools differ so fundamentally in their students' range of ability, practices within schools for dealing with ability differences vary.
The following discussion provides an overview of the profiles of ability that exist in the different types of schools within the German system and the ways differences in ability are handled within these types of schools. Particular emphasis is placed on elementary and lower level secondary education.
German cultural conceptions of ability are mixed. They incorporate both the idea that ability is something inherent in the student's makeup and the idea that ability is malleable, a reflection of the student's social, familial, and educational environment. The notion that ability is to a degree innate is reflected in the differentiated structure of German education. Different schools cater to students of differing levels of ability, and the goal of the system is to match the student's level of ability to the type of school attended. Presumably, students of high ability attend more demanding schools and achieve a higher standard of education. Special schools cater to students who on the basis of physical, emotional, and intellectual handicaps are least able. At the lower secondary level, the Hauptschule is organized for students who are less able, the Realschule deals with students of middle ability, and the Gymnasium caters to the most able students. The early tracking of students (starting at the age of 10 in most Länder) reflects the idea that ability demonstrated early in life is highly indicative of ability levels later in life. Ability is thought to be something inherent or at least inflexible beyond a certain age.
However, policy and public discussion of schooling clearly acknowledge the idea that ability is malleable within a range. Ingenkamp (1963) summarizes this latter German perspective on talent. Talent requires a dynamic interplay between the subject and an object, and talent is always a talent for something. Ability is seen in the context of the whole person and his or her social environment. It is malleable and multiply determined, and it is possible, within limits, to influence the talent exhibited by an individual student. For this reason, the system must help each student to achieve his or her best. The school system has the responsibility to fund, foster, and channel talent in its students (Sekretariat der Ständigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Länder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland [KMK] 1993). Parents must retain the right to foster the greatest possible amount of talent in their children, and the state must help children whose parents cannot or will not make this investment (Ingenkamp 1963). The development in the last two decades of a more flexible system of alternative routes to higher education takes seriously the idea that abilities may change over time to reflect the student's changed environment. Further, the idea of the Gesamtschule as an alternative to the traditionally differentiated system of schools reflects the political conviction that ability is to a large measure a reflection of social class and not of inborn and immutable degrees of talent.
Interestingly, the cultural approaches to ability in the German context reflect more fundamental political orientations in the country. The conservative Christian Democrats emphasize the recognition of inherent ability differences and the maintenance of a system of education that suits the needs of people at all levels of ability. In contrast, the liberal Social Democrats emphasize the social origins of apparent ability differences, pointing to the overrepresentation of children of upper class origin in the Gymnasium and the overrepresentation of children of lower class origin in the Hauptschule. From the perspective of the Social Democrats, a differentiated system of education functions to effectively reproduce social inequities. The Gesamtschule as an alternative to the traditionally tiered system and the proliferation of alternative paths to higher education reflect the social democratic idea that ability is largely dependent on the contexts in which the individual lives. German cultural conceptions of ability thus reflect broader tensions in the political realm between conservative and liberal thought. It is no coincidence that the conservative Länder of the south (Bavaria and Baden-Württemburg) have adhered more closely to a traditional, differentiated system than have the liberal Länder of the north (e.g., Nordrhein-Westfalen and Berlin) (Führ 1985).
Importance of Assessment
As has been shown, the German education system is organized around ability differences; different school types cater to students of different levels of ability. In this differentiated school system, the assessment of ability is crucial. It forms the basis for tracking decisions that have profound implications for the social and career opportunities open to students later in life (Ingenkamp 1963). For this reason, ability assessment in the German system is both explicit and standardized. An understanding of these assessment practices is thus central to a broader review of the ways in which the German system deals with differences in ability among students.
The central purpose of ability assessment in the German system is prognostic. Assessment in Germany is explicitly aimed at predicting whether students will be able to complete the following year of schoolwork. If, on the one hand, teachers determine that a student is sufficiently capable, that student is promoted to the next level. If, on the other hand, teachers reach the conclusion that the student is not in a position to complete the following year's work, then that student is held back for a year. Official statistics suggest that 4 percent of students repeat a school year at least once in the course of elementary and secondary school. Unofficially, the percentage of students who are held back has been estimated to range as high as 10 percent and in some cases 20 percent (DES 1986).
In the German system, assessment confers qualifications and entitlements. Satisfactory completion of a year's work ensures automatic access to the next year's course. Satisfactory completion of a course of studies in one type of school gives automatic right of transfer to another. Thus, grades are the primary basis for tracking. Grades in elementary school determine the type of secondary school a student will attend and grades in lower secondary determine the types of upper secondary schools open to the student. Grades in upper secondary school contribute to the Abitur and the student's opportunities for pursuing postsecondary education.
Grading System
Assessment in German education is carried out on a scale of 1-6, where 1 represents very good, 4 represents adequate, and 6 represents very poor. The KMK's official description of the six grades and the level of performance expected is as follows:
1 = very good (sehr gut): Is well above the required standard;
2 = good (gut): Fully meets the required standard;
3 = satisfactory (befriedigend): On the whole, meets the required standard;
4 = adequate (ausreichend): Deficiencies are evident, but on the whole still meets the required standard.
5 = poor (mangelhaft): Does not meet the required standard but indicates that the necessary basic knowledge exists and that the deficiencies could be removed in a foreseeable period; and
6 = very poor (ungenügend): Does not meet the required standard and indicates that even the basic knowledge is so fragmentary that the deficiencies could not be removed within a foreseeable period (DES 1986).
An average grade of 4 usually constitutes sufficient basis for promotion to the next year of schooling.
This scale of grades is standard for all types of schools, subjects, and age groups, with very few exceptions. The grading system is generally understood by teachers, pupils, parents, employers, and institutions of higher education within Germany. Users understand that the achievement represented by the grades varies by type of school. For instance, a grade of 1 from the Gymnasium reflects a higher level of achievement than a grade of 1 from the Hauptschule.
There are two prominent exceptions to this grading scale. Students in their first and second years of elementary school are not given grades. Instead, they are assessed through verbal reports. In order to avoid stress among beginning students, grades are not given until at least the end of the second year of schooling and sometimes even later. At that point, they are given only selectively and on an individualized basis to ensure that all students have some positive experience with grades. A current trend in grading elementary school performance postpones the introduction of grades to the third and even fourth year of schooling.
A second exception to the grading scale occurs at the end of secondary education, in the upper level of the Gymnasium. Grades given in the last 2 years of coursework at the Gymnasium include plus and minus designations. The use of these marks extends the grading system, making it possible to give a more differentiated accounting of performance in subjects that count toward the Abitur (DES 1986).
Umbrella agreements among the Länder seek to ensure that the grading scale is used consistently. Nevertheless, the local autonomy of Länder in educational matters requires that ambiguities in the use of the grading system be resolved on a local level. This is particularly true for the ambiguous grade of 5, which requires a subjective determination of whether the student will be able to overcome learning deficiencies "in a foreseeable period." In practice, it is commonly understood that systematic differences exist in actual grading practices between federal states. For example, a 1 from a school in Bavaria is often perceived as more impressive than a 1 from a school in Hessen. The comparability of grades across federal states has become a political issue because the Abitur grade has a direct influence on admission to restricted courses of study at the university.
Assessments
Teachers' formal assessments of work in elementary, lower secondary, and vocational schools lead to two formal reports per year, one at the end of the first semester and one at the end of the academic year. These reports are given to parents or to students themselves if they are over 18 years old. The form of these reports is rigorously standardized within each state. Grades included on these reports are broadly consistent with grades earned for work in the period reported on, but grades for borderline cases may also take into account factors such as the improvement or deterioration in the students' work throughout the course and the relative importance of the test. The relative weight given to verbal and written exercises, examinations, and other activities in the calculation of grades varies by subject (DES 1986).
A significant feature of testing in the secondary school is that the frequency of testing decreases as students progress in school. Less frequent testing requires students to demonstrate longer recall and a deeper knowledge of broader topics in their later years of schooling (DES 1986). Teachers are required to tell students 2 to 5 days in advance if a piece of written work is to be used for official assessment. Another feature of the German testing procedure is that parents are required to sign returned tests.
Promotions
The decision to promote or hold back students is made at a formal meeting of all the teachers of a given class. This meeting is chaired by the headmaster of the school and is focused on a discussion of the ability of each individual student to perform work at the next year's level. A recommendation for promotion may be made even in cases in which prior performance has been less than satisfactory, especially where there has been a marked trend of improvement in the student's work. In practice, the bulk of discussion revolves around doubtful cases and centers on the question of the extent to which poor performance (grades of 5) can be offset by grades of 1?4 earned in other subjects to achieve an average of at least 4. Because of the importance of decisions made at this meeting, assessment follows clear and centrally defined rules. Teachers may be required to provide evidence from their grade books in support of their judgments (DES 1986).
Teachers may be required to send notice (a so-called blauer Brief, blue letter) to parents if the student's achievement in one or more courses is lower than a 4 (adequate). Students who receive a 5 in two subjects must repeat the school year. However, students have an opportunity to make up for poor performance by passing an examination in their problem subjects at the beginning of the following school year. This examination (Nachprüfung) allows students to catch up over the summer vacation. If they are successful, they are promoted.
Although terminology and procedures for the assessment of student ability are uniform across the various types of school, both the actual issues around ability and the pedagogical practices for coping with these issues vary greatly by school type. There is a link between the range of ability characteristic for each school type and the pedagogical emphasis placed either on performance or on remedial education. All types of school seek both to impose a standard of learning and to foster students' growth, but the degree to which one or the other goal is emphasized varies. Some types place a heavy emphasis on performance and lack substantial remedial measures (Gymnasium, Realschule). Other types place a greater emphasis on remedial education (Hauptschule, Sonderschule). Still other types seek a balance between performance and remedial education (Grundschule, Gesamtschule). The following discussion provides a brief overview of each type of school at the elementary and lower secondary levels, and its approach to within-school differences in ability.
Elementary School (Grundschule)
All children between the ages of 6 and 10 attend the four grades of the Grundschule. (In the states of Berlin and Brandenburg, Grundschule also includes fifth and sixth grades.) Before entering the Grundschule, children are examined by the school doctor. If a child appears not to be physically and mentally mature enough for school, entry into Grundschule can be delayed for a year. The child is then required to attend a kindergärten associated with the Grundschule (Führ 1989). A teacher may request that a student already in Grundschule be reexamined if the student appears immature in class. Early admission to Grundschule may also be allowed on the recommendation of school psychologists and the school doctor (KMK 1993).
The Grundschule's task is to provide all students with the foundation for further education at the secondary level. "The Grundschule aims to promote the multifaceted development of the child's personality, impart basic knowledge and skills for later learning, consider the individuality and situation of each child, awake interest in many different fields, and encourage the enjoyment of learning" (Bavarian State Ministry of Education [BSME] 1993).
Teachers are challenged by the task of providing all children with the foundation for secondary education. The years at Grundschule are very important; depending on the student's performance, he or she will be tracked to a Hauptschule, Realschule, or Gymnasium. Alternatively, the student may be assigned particular levels of courses within the Gesamtschule. Teachers, parents, and school officials meet together to decide the type of secondary school a student will attend. Success or failure during the 4 years at Grundschule may determine a student's academic career and thus future profession. Students usually stay on the track that was chosen for them after fourth grade, even though they always have the option of receiving further education.
The question arises: How do Grundschulen and teachers ensure that all students receive equal opportunities for further personal and intellectual development? Equality of educational opportunities was of great concern in the school reform debates of the 1970s. Subsequent reforms emphasized principles such as individuation and differentiation of instruction, scientific orientation, and compensatory education to enhance equality of educational opportunities (Hopf 1994). In 1985, new and more explicit guidelines were passed for Grundschulen to focus particularly on the promotion of individuation and inner differentiation in the classrooms. Every child should be optimally challenged. Whereas slower children should receive additional time and help for the completion of their tasks, quicker learners should obtain additional study material. Forms of open teaching (offener Unterricht), such as weekly plan work (Wochenplanunterricht) and discretionary work (freie Arbeit), are recommended in the classroom (Bosch 1992). Both types of work are intended to enhance students' ability to act and work independently and responsibly, and at the same time to promote individual development and the enhancement of interests through discovery and hands-on learning.
In the weekly plan work, each child receives a list of tasks tailored to his or her abilities. The tasks might be based on one or several subjects, and the student is required to complete the list of tasks within an allotted amount of time. Once a student has completed all the items on the list, any extra time is used for additional exercises and activities. Students are allowed to work at their own pace within the given time frame, to choose the order of exercises, and to decide whether to work alone or in a group.
In discretionary work, the teacher offers a set of exercises and activities from which students can choose. However, students are also allowed to plan their own projects. With the assistance of the teacher, they decide how to proceed with their chosen task. Students also determine, in consultation with the classroom teacher, the materials they will need and whether they should work alone or with classmates (Schittko 1993).
Elementary schools also attempt to deal with within-class differences through remedial teaching (Förderunterricht). Two additional hours of instruction are available per week for every class and are used as teachers see fit in order to meet the needs of the students. (Senatsverwaltung für Schule, Berufsbildung, und Sport [SSBS] 1993).
In the first years of elementary school, teachers prepare assessment reports, in which the strengths and weaknesses of each student are described in detail, rather than write grade reports. Progression from first to second grade is automatic for all students. It is only possible to hold back students at the end of the second year. Generally, students receive grades at the end of their second year of schooling, although there is a current trend toward the elimination of grades in the third and fourth years as well (KMK 1993).
At the end of fourth grade, teachers, school administrators, and parents have to make a decision about which track each student will follow. In many states, however, the parents make the final decision. In Hessen, parents are given the responsibility for deciding which school their child will attend. In Berlin, elementary schools recommend a student for a particular secondary school track, but parents may contest the school's recommendation and insist on a different type of school. Parents of a student with a Hauptschule or Realschule recommendation may demand that their child go to Gymnasium. In this case, the student will attend the Gymnasium for a probationary period of 6 months. If the teachers at Gymnasium decide that this students' performance is satisfactory, the parents' decision is accepted. If not, the student is placed in the next lower level, the Realschule (SSBS 1993). In Bavaria, the grades in German, mathematics, and local studies must be 2.5 or better for admission into Gymnasium or Realschule, but the parents decide which school form their child will attend (KMK 1993).
Lower level secondary education generally encompasses grades 5 through 9 or 10. At this level, students are segregated by ability into different school organizations. It is important to note, however, that graduation qualifications are not strictly linked to the type of school attended. The Hauptschule qualification is conferred to all students at the successful completion of their ninth year of schooling irrespective of school type they attend. The Realschule qualification is granted to students who conclude their schooling after the 10th year. Hauptschule students who excel may opt to take a 10th year. Gymnasium students who wish to end their studies after 10 years receive the Realschule qualification. There is no school-leaving qualification for the Gymnasium at the end of lower level secondary school in 10th grade. A Gymnasium qualification may only be obtained after 13 years of schooling at the end of upper level secondary. The decoupling of type of school and school-leaving qualification builds flexibility into the otherwise hierarchically structured school system, thereby allowing students to obtain a school-leaving qualification that more accurately reflects their ability.
Over the past several decades, efforts to make the tiered school system more permeable have created complex alternative paths for achieving a school-leaving qualification appropriate to student ability. Most students, however, continue to receive the qualification characteristic for the school type attended. Hauptschule students generally receive a Hauptschule leaving qualification at the end of their ninth year. Realschule students generally receive a Realschule leaving qualification at the end of their 10th year. Gymnasium students generally continue on to the upper secondary level and take the Abitur.
Continued
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[The Perception of Ability Differences in German Education - Part 2]