![[Table of Contents]](/icons/up.gif){kind=icon}
The history of programmatic efforts to influence parents' knowledge and skills regarding child rearing has a long and rich history. However, many important questions remain unanswered. Fortunately, in the past three decades there has been an important increase in the quality and quantity of studies focused on program outcomes and on parenting. While not robust, existing research collectively points directly or indirectly to the importance of five characteristics or elements of programs designed to support or change parents' behaviors. The five areas are addressed below, and lessons learned in each of the five areas are described.
Parenting is an active, cognitive process. Accordingly, program designs that enable parents to digest and integrate new perspectives on parenting with existing beliefs and practices are likely to yield greater effects than program designs that approach parents primarily as "blank slates" to be written upon with all new knowledge.
Beliefs are cognitive representations of reality (Sigel, 1985) that shape parents' socialization and teaching actions. Parents have been found to hold simultaneously a number of different beliefs regarding how their children learn and become socialized, with approximately 87 percent of all stated beliefs falling into one of the following four categories:
Pertinent to family literacy programs are the beliefs held by parents regarding the requisites of their child's early success in school. A study using a national sample found that parents and kindergarten teachers had similar views on the importance of some characteristics for kindergarten (e.g., child is curious, enthusiastic about learning), but had dissimilar beliefs about the importance of other characteristics (e.g., the ability to count to 20, to know the alphabet). For example, most parents (59 percent), but few kindergarten teachers (7 percent), indicated it is very important or essential for a child to be able to count to 20 (West, Hausken & Collins, 1993). (For a review of the literature on school readiness, see Powell, 1995.)
Core beliefs about parenting and children's development may reflect deeply held values and stem from influential origins; some ideas are like cherished possessions, modified or abandoned reluctantly (Abelson, 1986). Multiple factors influence the development and maintenance of parents' beliefs. Among these factors, those outside the home include: cultural values and traditions; socio-economic status; work; social networks of relatives, friends, and neighbors; and advice from experts. Factors within the home include the characteristics of parents, themselves, (e.g., developmental history, psychological attributes, age, gender); marital relationship; and characteristics of the child (Okagaki & Divecha, 1994).
Of course, individuals often are slow to change their ideas even in the face of compelling information, and may disregard or distort new information or use it selectively, if new ideas conflict with perceived vested interests (Goodnow & Collins, 1990). For instance, a recent qualitative, longitudinal study of low-income, single mothers found that mothers were receptive to information from "experts" when these perspectives furthered their goals for their children; their ideas about preschool learning were linked to culturally driven models of child rearing, including respect for authority and contributing to one's family or community (Holloway, Rambaud, Fuller & Eggers-Pierola, in press).
Discussion is viewed widely as a promising strategy for parents to think about new information in relation to existing perspectives on parenting. The adult education literature long has suggested that personal experience be used as a learning resource, and that programs include a strong experiential component (e.g., Brookfield, 1986). Discussion is an opportunity for parents to digest new information and insight within existing belief frameworks.
While more needs to be known about the conditions under which parents modify their beliefs and practices, research suggests that long-term parent discussion groups can be a powerful tool in facilitating change in the values and teaching styles of low-income mothers (Slaughter, 1983), and the child-rearing beliefs and practices of middle-class mothers and fathers (Powell, 1994). Dialogue was the primary intervention tool in a program aimed at helping socially and geographically isolated, low-income mothers "gain a voice" and become more actively engaged in conceptualizing and interacting with their children in ways that would promote cognitive development and a sense of self-competence. In fact, an evaluation found the program increased participants' perceived social support and the complexity of their understandings of knowledge and its development (Bond, Belenky & Weinstock, 1992).
In one longitudinal study, informal discussions among parents during a program's break (what the investigators called "kitchen talk," because the break occurred in a kitchen) were found to be as novel or nonroutine as discussions guided by staff during the formal segment of the program (Powell & Eisenstadt, 1988). Thus, an informal exchange of ideas among peers may offer perspectives that extend and perhaps even challenge existing knowledge, beliefs, and practices.
Today, disregard for parents' existing beliefs and practices by parent education programs has generated considerable criticism and ethical concern. All interventions impose an idea of "the good, the desirable, and the healthy" (Sigel, 1983, p. 8), and a dominant professional role in parent education programs may undermine parents' sense of confidence (Hess, 1980). For programs aimed at ethnic and language minority populations, the imposition of the dominant culture's standards of parenting may be viewed as an attempt to "melt away sociocultural diversity" (Laosa, 1983, p. 337).
Several safeguards have been recommended to prevent manipulations of a parent's goals and excessive pressure to alter existing beliefs and behaviors, including clarity in communications about a program's theoretical orientation, and respect for a parent's child-rearing values (Brim, 1959; Sigel, 1983), along with a collaborative role for the professional involved (Cochran & Woolever, 1982; Hess, 1980). Thus, the respectful, non-intrusive professional role recommended in the literature on the ethics of parent education programs coincides with images of an appropriate professional role derived from the literature on parents' beliefs and change processes described earlier.
The teaching of parenting skills to parents should actively acknowledge the relation of parenting beliefs and behaviors to other aspects of individual functioning, including social skills and job-related experiences. Parenting issues cannot be readily compartmentalized and adequately addressed in isolation. Family literacy programs provide many opportunities to build on inextricable connections among parenting and other adult roles and skills. Particularly promising are options to integrate and to use similar or complementary pedagogical strategies in the adult and parent education components of any program.
Research findings underscore the central role of parenting in intricate patterns of beliefs and behaviors. From studies of intervention programs, one lesson teaches that efforts to address parenting cannot be meaningfully separated from the parent's interpersonal relationship skills. For example, an intervention program at the University of Washington attempted to implement a two-step approach to working with "high-risk" mothers, beginning with social skills training and then moving on to child-rearing knowledge and behavior. It was assumed that a mother's interpersonal competence was a necessary condition for improving a mother's child-rearing abilities. However, program workers (mental health nurses) discovered it was impossible to avoid parent-child relationship issues in the social skills component of the intervention, as parenting issues surfaced repeatedly in the social skills training (Booth, Mitchell, Barnard & Spieker, 1989).
From studies of work and family life, one learns that work exposes an individual to experiences and ideas that influence parenting styles and beliefs. A study of the effects of participatory work strategies in a manufacturing plant on the employee's family roles found that employees involved in decision-making and problem-solving at all levels of the work setting, primarily through small work teams, reported using the "team meeting" concept at home and using communication skills that had been learned during work training sessions. Illustrative of the findings, one father reported that his participatory experiences on the job had led him to ". . . use some of the things we do at work" with his son, "instead of yelling" at the boy (Crouter, 1984). Other research has found a connection between conditions of the work setting (autonomy vs. compliance) and parenting values and practices (with emphasis on self-initiative vs. conformity) (Kohn, 1969; Luster, Rhoades & Haas, 1989).
The parenting-in-context theme also includes the idea that efforts to influence parent beliefs and practices should tailor the introduction of new information and skills to family realities and to the quality of the parent-child relationship. Several areas of research and cumulative program experience point to the merits of "beginning where parents are."
An early, indirect indicator of the need to acknowledge the ecology of parenthood in parenting programs appeared in the 1960s and early 1970s, when numerous parent education methods frequently used with middle-class populations were applied unsuccessfully to lower-income parents. A reviewer of these failed initiatives concluded that environmental reality factors such as marital disruption, financial instability, and inadequate housing worked against effective use of group methods with low-income parents, ". . . unless the group was supplemented by other services" (Chilman, 1973).
The instructional strategy of helping students conditionalize their knowledge by pursuing an everyday problem-oriented versus fact- or discipline-oriented introduction of information--posited as an effective way to support the transfer of information or skills to a variety of settings (Bransford, Goldman & Vye, 1991)--has special significance in teaching skills related to parenting. Specifically, the individuality of a child often is used by parents to disregard the global advice or recommendations of experts. In fact, it is possible to agree with an expert's idea but at the same time reject that idea by claiming simply ". . . it's a good idea, but it just wouldn't work with my child" (Goodnow & Collins, 1990, p. 102). Accordingly, parents who acquire knowledge and skills that are tailored to characteristics or issues regarding a particular child are likely to use the new information because it is pertinent to their individual situation. Conversely, when experts offer vague advice, it is less likely that parents will derive sophisticated ideas or practices from such advice (Sameroff & Feil, 1985).
Research on the benefits of joint parent-child book reading also underscores the importance of considering context (i.e., parent-child relationship) in which prescriptions for parenting are to be applied. There is strong evidence that parent-child reading is related to a number of child successes in learning to read (Bus, van IJzendoorn & Pellegrini, 1995). While these findings lend support to the wisdom of attempts to encourage joint parent-child book reading in family literacy programs, they need to be qualified in a manner that considers the "condition" of the parent-child relationship. Studies show that in parent-child dyads, where there is an insecure attachment, the parent is less sensitive to the needs and cues of the child and the joys of reading a book probably are minimal or nonexistent; in fact, such a situation may have a negative effect on the child's emergent literacy skills and interests (Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988).
The principle of "beginning where parents are" is consistent with the social-contextual model of family literacy that asks, "How can we draw on parents' knowledge and experience to inform instruction?" rather than, "How can we transfer school practices into home contexts?" (Auerbach, 1989, p. 177). (This model is built upon the conditions and concerns of specific communities, and does not involve a predetermined curriculum.)
If a mother isn't making it financially, and she's just had a fight with her boyfriend, and he's just split, there ain't no way I can say to her, "OK, let's you and I go play a game with the child," (Mindick, 1986, p. 83).
The above words of a home visitor capture the problem of maintaining focus on the child and on parenting issues when the content boundaries of a parenting program are broadened to include sensitivity to, or intentional efforts to address, adult issues and family functioning. Multiple-focus programs assume that pressing factors in the environment or within the parent often interfere with the parent's ability to attend to the child and to the information and suggestions of the home visitor. Unmet basic needs (such as shelter and health care) may be viewed, for example, as a cause of parents' giving low priority to professionally prescribed regimens for handicapped children (Dunst & Trivette, 1988).
Evaluations of multiple-focused programs point to a tendency for child development matters to be ignored or overshadowed by "major issues" facing the parent or family (e.g., Mindick, 1986). However, limited attention to child development content in multiple-focus home visiting programs may have a limited (or no) effect upon the child.
The evaluation results of the Child and Family Resource Program (CFRP) may be interpreted as suggesting that family circumstances, but not child outcomes, were improved by the program, as the content of home visits focused almost exclusively on family needs (Travers, Nauta & Irwin, 1982). Hence, an important lesson is that programs should maintain a balanced, concrete focus on parenting and child development content.
The CFRP evaluation findings raise questions about program designs based upon the assumption that a primary focus on improving family circumstances will lead to improved child outcomes. It appears that changes in child outcomes require concentrated attention to parenting and child issues, but not at the expense of ignoring pressing family circumstances. Thus, the theme of organizing program content around family realities needs to be qualified to emphasize the necessity of a clear agenda regarding parenting and child issues. Certainly, the program's role of helping parents maintain a "child's eye view" of events, situations, and relationships appears central to achieving improved outcomes for children.
The above descriptions of the origins and malleability of parents' ideas and practices, coupled with program experiences pointing to the value as well as pitfalls of attending to family circumstances, set the stage for the lesson that parenting skills cannot be taught "on the cheap." Research points to the importance of providing long-term, intensive work with parents, especially those living in high-risk circumstances.
Quite simply, the magnitude of program effects increases, if programs are intensive. Brief encounters between a program and a parent will not dramatically alter or strengthen the pattern of parenting or improve child outcomes.
In a review of outcome studies of 20 early intervention programs targeted at some aspect of family functioning, analysts concluded that more pervasive and sustained effects are likely to be realized when the intervention includes 11 or more contacts over at least a three-month period. Researchers suggest that a certain duration of contact is essential to the development of a trusting relationship between family and program. The 20 programs included in this review were initiated at some time in the period from pregnancy to the first three months of the baby's life, and included populations representing a range of socio-economic status (Heinecke, Beckwith & Thompson, 1988).
Recent evaluation results from the Even Start Family Literacy Program indicate that the amount of time parents participated in parenting education through Even Start was positively related to their child's receptive vocabulary (St. Pierre, Swartz, Gamse, Murray, Deck & Nickel, 1995).
The lessons reviewed herein provide points of departure for designing programs that are likely to yield a significant, positive impact upon parenting. At the same time, key questions remain unanswered. The amount of structure that is appropriate for program workers, for example, is unclear; and thoughtful program development efforts are needed to demonstrate workable strategies for maintaining a balanced, responsive program focus on child and family issues.
Family literacy programs are a field-based "laboratory" for generating research and program development initiatives that may advance the field's understanding of how best to support adults in their child-rearing roles. The focused attention on literacy within an intergenerational family framework is an ideal setting for implementing, refining, and extending the lessons described in this paper, and for enabling all in the field to learn new and valuable lessons.
Abelson, R.P. (1986). Beliefs are like possessions. Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior, 16, 223-50.
Auerbach, E.R. (1989). Toward a social-contextual approach to family literacy. Harvard Educational Review, 59, 165-81.
Bond, L.A., Belenky, M.F. & Weinstock, J.S. (1992). Listening partners: Helping rural mothers find a voice. Family Resource Coalition Report, 11, 18-19.
Booth, C.L., Mitchell, S.L., Barnard, K.E. & Spieker, S.J. (1989). Development of maternal skills in multiproblem families: Effects on the mother-child relationship. Developmental Psychology, 25, 403-12.
Bransford, J.D., Goldman, S.R. & Vye, N.J. (1991). Making a difference in people's abilities to think: Reflections on a decade of work and some hopes for the future. In L. Okagaki & R.L. Sternberg (Eds.), Directors of development: Influences on the development of children's thinking, 147-80. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Brim, O.G. (1959). Education for child rearing. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Brookfield, S. (1986). Understanding and facilitating adult learning. San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass.
Bus, A.G. & van IJzendoorn, M.H. (1988). Mother-child interactions, attachment and emergent literacy: A cross-sectional study. Child Development, 59, 1262-72.
Bus, A.G., van IJzendoorn, M.H. & Pellegrini, A.D. (1995). Joint book reading makes for success in learning to read: A meta-analysis on intergenerational transmission of literacy. Review of Educational Research, 65, 1-21.
Chilman, C.S. (1973). Programs for disadvantaged parents. In B.M. Caldwell & H.N. Ricciuti (Eds.), Review of Child Development Research. 3, 403-65. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Cochran, M. & Woolever, F. (1983). Beyond the deficit model: The empowerment of parents with information and informal supports. In I. E. Sigel & L. M. Laosa (Eds), Changing families, 225-45. New York: Plenum.
Crouter, A.C. (1984). Participative work as an influence on human development. Human Development, 5, 71-90.
Dunst, C.J. & Trivette, C.M. (1988). A family systems model of early intervention with handicapped and developmentally at-risk children. In D.R. Powell (Ed.), Parent education as early childhood intervention, 31-179. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Goodnow, J.J. & Collins, W.A. (1990). Development according to parents: The nature, sources, and consequences of parents' ideas. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Heinecke, C.M., Beckwith, L. & Thompson, A (1988). Early intervention in the family system: A framework and review. Infant Mental Health Journal, 9, 111-41.
Hess, R.D. (1980). Experts and amateurs: Some unintended consequences of parent education. In M.D. Fantini & R. Cardenes (Eds.), Parenting in a multicultural society, 141-59. New York: Longman.
Holloway, S.D., Rambaud, M.F., Fuller, B. & Eggers-Pierola, C. (in press). What is "appropriate practice" at home and in child care? Low-income mothers' views on preparing their children for school. Early Childhood Research Quarterly.
Kohn, M.L. (1969). Class and conformity: A study in values. Homewood, IL: The Dorsey Press.
Laosa, L.M. (1983). Parent education, cultural pluralism, and public policy: The uncertain connection. In R. Haskins & D. Adams (Eds.), Parent education and public policy, 331-45. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Luster, R., Rhoades, K. & Haas, B. (1989). The relation between parental values and parenting behavior: A test of the Kohn hypothesis. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51, 139-47.
Mindick, B. (1986). Social engineering in family matters. New York: Praeger.
Okagaki, L. & Divecha, D.J. (1993). Development of parental beliefs. In T. Luster & L. Okagaki (Eds.), Parenting: An Ecological Perspective, 35-67. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Powell, D.R. (1994). Effects of information and social support during the early years of parenthood: A longitudinal study of MELD. Final technical report to the Bush Foundation. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University.
Powell, D.R. (1995). Enabling young children to succeed in school. Washington, DC: American Educational Research Association
Powell, D.R. & Eisenstadt, J.W. (1988). Informal and formal conversations in parent education groups: An observational study. Family Relations, 37, 166-70.
Sameroff, A.J. & Feil, L.A. (1985). Parental concepts of development. In I.E. Sigel (Ed.), Parental belief systems: The psychological consequences for children, 83-105. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Sigel, I.E. (1985). A conceptual analysis of beliefs. In I.E. Sigel (Ed.), Parental belief systems: The psychological consequences for children, 347-71. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Sigel, I.E., Stinson, E.T. & Flaugher, J. (1991). Socialization of representational competence in the family: The distancing paradigm. In L. Okagaki & R.J. Sternberg (Eds.), Directors of development: Influences on the development of children's thinking, 121-44. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Slaughter, D.R. (1983). Early intervention and its effects on maternal and child development. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 48 (4), (Serial No. 202).
St. Pierre, R., Swartz, J., Gamse, B., Murray, S., Deck, D. & Nickel, P. (1995). National evaluation of the Even Start family literacy program. Final report to the Office of the Under Secretary, U.S. Department of Education. Cambridge, MA: Abt Associates, Inc.
Travers, J., Nauta, M. & Irwin, N. (1982). The effects of a social program: Final report of the Child and Family Resource Program's infant-toddler component. Cambridge, MA: Abt Associates.
West, J., Hausken, E.G. & Collins, M. (1993). Readiness for kindergarten: Parent and teacher beliefs. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education (NCES 93-257).
-###-
[Commissioned Papers: Intergenerational Transfer...]