A r c h i v e d  I n f o r m a t i o n

Overview

Educational progress of women

Over the past two decades, women have made important advances in their educational attainment. The large gaps between the education levels of women and men that were evident in the early 1970s have essentially disappeared for the younger generation. Despite their gains in educational attainment, however, young women still earn less than young men with similar levels of education. In 1993, the average earnings of female high school graduates aged 25 to 34 years old were 37 percent lower than those of male graduates of the same age. Female college graduates earn, on average, 20 percent less than their male counterparts (tables 30-1, -2, -3). Furthermore, these large gender differences in earnings persist after taking educational attainment and prose, document, and quantitative literacy skills into account (Indicator 31).

Differences in progression rates, types of courses taken, level of effort, academic achievement, and field of study may all affect the labor market opportunities of women relative to men. Below, we summarize these educational differences, focusing on those that research has shown to be related to labor market outcomes.

Do females and males progress at similar rates through school?

Generally, females start school at an earlier age than males and are less likely to fall behind. [18] For example, 22 percent of 8-year-old females were below the modal (most common) grade for their age in October 1989, compared to 28 percent of their male peers. At age 13 the disparity was larger: 26 percent of females compared to 36 percent of males were below modal grade for their age ( Indicator 3, Condition 1992).

Females are less likely to have repeated a grade than males. Nine percent of 16- to 24-year-old females had been retained in one or more grades, compared to 14 percent of their male counterparts in 1992 (table 4-1, Condition 1994).

Are females more or less likely than males to be placed in special education programs?

Females are far less likely than males to be enrolled in special education programs. In 1990, only one-third of special education students were female (table 42-4).

Do the achievement levels of females and males differ in the early grades?

At both ages 9 and 13, the achievement levels of females are higher in reading, similar in mathematics, and lower in science than those of males (Indicators 13, 15, and 16).

Do the differences that we see in the achievement of females and males at age 13 persist into high school?

When retested near the end of high school, male and female 17-year-olds varied at least as much in their achievement as they did at younger ages. For example, in 1992, average reading proficiency for females was 12 scale points higher than for males. To understand the magnitude of this difference, it is helpful to look at the difference in proficiency scores across ages in 1992. A 12-scale point difference on the NAEP reading assessment corresponds to about 40 percent of the difference between the average scores of 13- and 17-year-olds in 1992. In other words, the gap in reading proficiency between males and females is roughly equivalent to about one and a half years of schooling (Indicator 13). This performance difference favoring 17-year-old females in 1992 was as large as that in 1971 and as the proficiency gaps that existed at ages 9 and 13.

In mathematics and science, 17-year-old females score lower on average than males. In 1992, females scored 4 scale points lower than males on the NAEP mathematics assessment (roughly equivalent to about half a year of schooling), and 10 scale points lower on the science assessment (about a year's worth of science). Although both females and males have made gains in mathematics and science achievement since 1982, the gender gap for these subjects has not narrowed measurably.

NAEP scores in 1992

SOURCE: Indicators 13, 15, and 16.

SOURCE: Indicators 13, 15, and 16.

Are females more or less likely than males to come to class unprepared?

Sophomore females were less likely than males to report coming to school without basic supplies in 1992. In particular, males were more likely than females to report that they usually or often come to school without books, paper and pencil, and completed homework (Indicator 44, Condition 1994).

Are the parents of females more or less likely than males to be involved in their child's education?

In 1988, eighth-grade females were more likely than males to report talking to their parents about selecting courses, about their school activities, and about their class studies. However, males and females were equally likely to have their parents review their homework, limit their television watching, and limit their going out with friends. However, females were less likely than males to have had their parents speak with their teacher or guidance counselor (Indicator 43, Condition 1994).

Do females and males take different courses in high school?

Among 1992 public high school graduates, females took more credits in academic subjects than males (18 versus 17 credits), whereas in the class of 1969, males and females took about the same number of credits (15 each) (Indicator 23, Condition 1994). Between 1982 and 1992, the percentage of both female and male graduates who took advanced mathematics and science courses in high school increased, although for many subjects gender parity had been attained by 1982. In the class of 1992, females were less likely than males to take remedial mathematics in high school, more likely to take algebra II, and just as likely to take calculus. With respect to science, females were more likely than males to take biology and just as likely to take chemistry. Females were less likely, however, to take physics (table 26-1).

In 1992, college-bound female high school graduates were more likely than male graduates to study a foreign language for at least 2 years in high school (78 versus 67 percent). In addition, females were more than twice as likely as males to take 4 years of a foreign language (19 versus 9 percent, Indicator 26, Condition 1994).

Do men and women differ with respect to attending college right after graduation?

Mathematics and          1982            1992 science courses     Female   Male   Female   Male ---------------     ------   ----   ------   ----                               Mathematics Remedial mathematics   30     36      15     20 Geometry               49     48      72     69 Algebra II             36     38      58     54 Trigonometry           11     13      21     21 Calculus                4      5      10     10                                 Science Biology                81     77      94     92 Chemistry              31     32      57     54 Physics                 9     18      21     28 Biology, chemistry,   and physics           7     13      19     24 

Between 1976 and 1987, women and men were equally likely to enroll in college in the fall following high school graduation; but since the late 1980s, women have been slightly more likely than men to do so (Indicator 9). Furthermore, women are more likely than men to enroll in a 4-year college after graduation from high school. In 1993, the enrollment rate for women at 4-year institutions was 42 percent, compared to 36 percent for men. Women were just as likely as men, however, to enroll in 2-year institutions after high school graduation (table 9-1).

SOURCE: Indicator 9.

In 1992, the majority of students enrolled in undergraduate and graduate programs were women, although more men were enrolled in first-professional programs, such as medicine, law, or dentistry. [19]

Have increasing college enrollment rates raised the aggregate educational attainment levels of women?

Over the past 20 years, college attainment rates among young women have increased dramatically, while rates for men remain basically unchanged. In the early 1970s, among high school graduates, about 40 percent of women aged 25-29 had completed 1 or more years of college, compared to 50 percent of similarly aged men. By 1994, a higher percentage of women than men in this age group had attended at least some college (62 versus 59 percent, table 22-2). A similar trend has occurred for female college graduates. In the early 1970s, among high school graduates, about 20 percent of women compared to 27 percent of men aged 25-29 had completed 4 or more years of college. By 1994, a similar percentage of men and women in this age group had earned a bachelor's degree or more (table 22-3).

How have women progressed with respect to the number of degrees earned?

Data on the number of degrees conferred demonstrate even more clearly the educational progress of women relative to men. In 1992, more associate's, bachelor's, and master's degrees were awarded to women than to men, whereas in 1977 the reverse was true. Though fewer doctoral and first-professional degrees were awarded to women than to white men in 1992, the gap has narrowed considerably. [20]

How do the college course-taking patterns of women and men differ at the undergraduate level?

Similarities in the mathematics and science course taking (except for physics) of women and men in high school disappear when examining college transcripts. Among 1985-86 bachelor's degree recipients, women were much less likely than men to have taken courses in the physical sciences, mathematics, computer science, and engineering, but were more likely to have taken courses in the life sciences (Indicator 28, Condition 1994).

In the social and behavioral sciences, women were more likely than men to have taken psychology and sociology, and were less likely to have taken political science and economics. Many of these differences, however, are linked to differences in choice of college major.

Women and men tend to study different fields in college, despite a narrowing of differences for undergraduates and in some fields for graduates. At the bachelor's level, women were about three times as likely as men to graduate with degrees in education in 1991-92, but this represented a decline from 1971. Women are also far more likely than men to major in English, foreign languages, communications, psychology, and the health professions and related fields. Although the differences between men and women with respect to field of study are decreasing in the biological/life sciences and business, women are still less likely than men to major in these fields. Moreover, women continue to be much less likely than men to major in mathematics, engineering, the physical sciences, and computer sciences. [21]

Field of study                1972    1982    1992 --------------                ----    ----    ---- Biological/life sciences      0.54    0.82    0.90 Business                      0.14    0.64    0.76 Communications                0.71    1.28    1.32 Computer science              0.20    0.53    0.34 Education                     3.71    3.10    3.18 Engineering                   0.01    0.13    0.14 English                       2.36    1.90    1.66 Modern foreign languages      3.99    3.16    2.24 Health sciences               3.99    5.23    4.28 Mathematics                   0.82    0.74    0.74 Physical sciences             0.23    0.34    0.41 Psychology                    1.11    1.99    2.31 Social sciences               0.73    0.80    0.71 

SOURCE: Indicator 23.

At the graduate level, the tendency of women and men to choose different fields of study has declined in many major fields. For example, differences in the proportions of women and men earning master's degrees in the life sciences, physical sciences, computer science, and engineering have narrowed over time. Differences in the proportions of men and women earning master's degrees in business management decreased between the early 1970s and the mid-1980s when the trend leveled off. Moreover, differences in the proportions of men and women earning master's degrees in the social sciences have disappeared. However, in some fields of study, large gaps do remain. For instance, at the master's degree level, women were almost three times as likely as men to earn graduate degrees in education and health professions, but only one-seventh as likely to earn degrees in engineering (Indicator 27).

How do the educational attainment levels of women in the United States compare to those of women in other countries?

Women in the United States generally have higher educational attainment than their counterparts in other countries. For example, in 1992 among U.S. women 25-64 years old, 84 percent had completed high school-far more than their counterparts in Japan, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Canada, and Italy. Also, 21 percent had received a bachelor's degree or more, again far more than their counterparts in other countries (table 23-1).

In several countries, the educational attainment of younger generations of women has improved rapidly. This is evident in the fact that the attainment of women 25-34 years old was substantially higher than that for all women. As a result, the gap is closing between the educational attainment of women in these countries and the United States. For example, in Japan 92 percent of women 25-34 years old had finished secondary education, and in Germany 86 percent had done so, compared to 87 percent in the United States. Nevertheless, women 25-34 years old in the United States were still much more likely to complete higher education than their counterparts in Japan and Germany (Indicator 23).

In addition, in 1987, the percentage of women awarded university degrees in science and engineering fields was much higher in the United States than in other highly industrialized countries, including Japan or West Germany (Indicator 2:8, Condition 1991 ).

How have the labor market outcomes of women changed over time?

The employment rates of young women rose steadily throughout the 1970s and 1980s for those with a high school education or better (Indicator 30, Condition 1992). Furthermore, the gap between the employment rates for women and men narrow with increasing levels of educational attainment. For example, in 1994, the difference between the employment rates of 25- to 29-year-old males and females was 20 percentage points for high school graduates and 7 percentage points for college graduates (Indicator 29).

Female college graduates shared in the growth in earnings of all college graduates in the 1980s. Although, as noted above, female college graduates earn less on average than male college graduates, the earnings advantage that female college graduates enjoy over female high school graduates is greater than that enjoyed by males (Indicator 30).

In summary, women have made important advances in education over the last few decades, closing the gender gap in educational attainment among younger women that existed 20 years ago. In high school, females read and write better than males, although they perform worse in mathematics and science. The mathematics and sciences courses that females and males take in high school are similar, with the exception that females are less likely than males to study physics. Moreover, females are more likely than males to go to college immediately after high school and are just as likely to earn degrees. Although females tend to major in different subjects than males in college, many of these differences have narrowed over time. But despite large gains in educational attainment and labor force participation, significant differences in earnings persist between females and males, even at similar levels of education.

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[The cost of higher education]