A r c h i v e d  I n f o r m a t i o n

Overview

Progress in the achievement and attainment of Hispanic students

Education has always been seen as one means of upward mobility, especially for those who are socially and economically disadvantaged. Hispanic children are likely to be at an educational disadvantage relative to whites for several reasons, including lower average levels of parental education and a greater likelihood of living in poverty. A larger percentage of Hispanic students attend disadvantaged schools where the overall academic and supporting environments are less conducive to learning. [7] In addition, a much higher proportion of Hispanics than non-Hispanics are foreign born. As a result, Hispanic children are less likely to hear or speak English at home and are more likely to have limited English proficiency. Furthermore, Hispanic children are much more likely to experience poverty than white children. In 1992, 39 percent of Hispanic children compared to 16 percent of white children lived in families with an income level below the poverty line (Indicator 47, Condition 1994).

Although limited data availability often leads researchers to treat Hispanics as if they were a homogeneous group, the U.S. Hispanic population is diverse. The three largest Hispanic subgroups are Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans. Recent immigrants from Central and South America constitute a fourth group. These subgroups are concentrated in different parts of the United States, their economic circumstances vary, and the timing of their immigration differs. In this overview, the additional breakouts for the largest Hispanic subpopulations will be made when possible.

Hispanics are the fastest growing ethnic group in the United States, increasing from 6 percent of public school enrollment in 1972 to 12 percent in 1993. In 1993, 2 out of 10 students attending public schools in central cities of metropolitan areas were Hispanic, up from 1 out of 10 students in 1972. In public schools located in other parts of metropolitan areas, 10 percent of the student body was Hispanic in 1993; in private schools, 7 percent was Hispanic (Indicator 40). Furthermore, the ethnic isolation of Hispanic students rose between 1968 and 1992. For example, between 1968 and 1992, the percentage of Hispanic students attending schools that were 90 to 100 percent minority increased from 23 to 34 percent.

SOURCE: Indicator 40.

In many regards, Hispanics trail their white counterparts with respect to educational access, achievement, and attainment, although some of these differences have narrowed over time. Outlined below are some examples of the educational differences between Hispanics and whites with respect to preschool attendance, academic achievement, dropout rates, parental involvement, school climate, course-taking patterns, educational aspirations, college attendance and completion, labor market outcomes, and adult literacy levels.

Do Hispanic children start elementary school with less preschool experience than white children?

Hispanic and white children differ greatly in their extent of participation in education before kindergarten. Several federal programs, such as Head Start, a popular program for disadvantaged preschoolers, were launched to give children from low income families an early start in education. Yet, despite these programs, fewer Hispanic children are enrolled in preschool than white children, and the gap has widened over time. In 1993, 17 percent of Hispanic 3- and 4-year-olds were in preschool programs compared to 38 percent of white children. Since the mid-1970s, white enrollment rates in preschool have increased more than 10 percentage points, while Hispanic enrollment rates have fluctuated, with the rate in 1993 approximating that in 1973 (table 2-1).

SOURCE: Indicator 2.

One possible explanation for the Hispanic-white difference in preschool participation is that the provision of preschool education is not mandatory; it is usually not offered in public schools, whereas kindergarten typically is. Limited financial resources may make it difficult for many Hispanic families to afford private preschool tuition. In 1991, a far lower proportion of Hispanic preschool students (27 percent) were enrolled in private preschools than were white preschool students (68 percent) (table 3-2, Condition 1994). Hispanic 3- and 4-year-olds were, however, twice as likely as their white counterparts to be enrolled in kindergarten, 10 and 5 percent, respectively, in 1993 (table 2-1).

Does the academic performance of white and Hispanic students differ in the early grades?

As early as age 9, differences can be seen in the academic performance of Hispanic and white students. Academic proficiency in reading, mathematics, and science, as measured at age 9 by the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), is lower for Hispanic children than for white children (Indicators 13, 15, and 16). Although scores for Hispanic 9-year-olds have increased in mathematics and science over the past 15 to 20 years, there has been little change in the gap between the scores of white and Hispanic 9-year-olds over this time period.

SOURCE: Indicators 13, 15, and 16.

At age 13, the achievement gap between Hispanic and white students persists for reading, mathematics, and science, even though the gap in mathematics and science has narrowed over the past 15 years or so. In reading, the gap in scores for Hispanic and white 13-year-olds was about 30 scale points in 1975 and 1992 (Indicator 13). The achievement gap in mathematics narrowed between the mid-1970s and early 1980s, but has remained stable since then (Indicator 15). Finally, the science achievement gap narrowed considerably between 1977 and 1992 as the scores of Hispanic students showed sizable gains (Indicator 16).

Despite the gains Hispanic 13-year-old students have made, the Hispanic-white mathematics, reading, and science achievement gaps remain large. For example, in 1992, the average mathematics proficiency scores of Hispanic 13-year-olds (259) fell about midway between the average proficiency scores of white 9- and 13-year-olds (235 and 279, respectively). This gap suggests that on average Hispanic children's level of math skills may be as much as 2 years behind that of their white peers by age 13-a deficiency that they will carry with them into high school. The size of the gap was similar in reading and was even worse in science, with Hispanic 13-year-olds scoring at about the same level (238) as white 9-year-olds (239).

Does the gap in achievement that we see between whites and Hispanics at age 13 persist in high school?

When students were tested again near the end of high school, their NAEP scores indicate a large gap in reading, writing, science, and mathematics achievement between whites and Hispanics. The Hispanic-white gap in reading and mathematics, however, has narrowed over time. For example, in 1975, average reading proficiency among Hispanics at age 17 was well below (40 scale points) that of 17-year-old whites and also below (10 scale points) that of 13-year-old whites; in 1992, the proficiency gap was less (26 scale points) between Hispanic and white 17-year-olds, and the reading level of 17-year-old Hispanics was about the same as that of 13-year-old whites (Indicator 13). Most of these gains in reading were made by 1984, however.

SOURCE: Indicators 13, 15, and 16.

The gap between the mathematics proficiency of Hispanic and white high school students has also narrowed over time, although the difference remains large. In 1973, average mathematics proficiency among 17-year-old Hispanics was 33 scale points behind that of their white counterparts, and about the same as that of 13-year-old whites; in 1992, it was 20 scale points behind that of 17-year-old whites, and 13 scale points above that of 13-year-old whites (Indicator 15).

There is strong evidence that the Hispanic-white achievement gap seen at age 17 in reading, mathematics, and science begins as early as age 9. For example, the Hispanic-white differences in reading at ages 9 in 1984, 13 in 1988, and 17 in 1992 are 30, 21, and 26 scale points, respectively. In other words, the large achievement gap observed for this cohort was present at age 9, and it remained with age.

Are fewer Hispanic students dropping out of high school now than previously?

Fewer Hispanic teenagers are dropping out of high school before graduating. Although the dropout rate is still considered high by many educators, the 10th- to 12th-grade dropout rate among Hispanics (12 percent) was substantially lower in 1992 than it was a decade earlier (19 percent). [9] The reasons that both Hispanics and whites gave for leaving school were more often school-related than job- or family-related concerns. Three out of 10 Hispanic female dropouts reported leaving school because they were pregnant, about the same proportion as white females. [10]

SOURCE: NCES, High School and Beyond Study and the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988.

With a lower proportion of Hispanic high school students dropping out, one might expect the percentage of 16- to 24-year-old Hispanics who have not completed high school or earned a GED (the status dropout rate) to have declined. However, there was no measurable decline in the status dropout rate for Hispanics between 1972 and 1992. [11] This may be due, in part, to high dropout rates for Hispanics before 10th grade, [12] and high immigration rates for less educated Hispanic young adults who may never enter U.S. schools.

Are Hispanic dropout rates related to migration?

The length of time a Hispanic family has lived in the United States is strongly related to dropout rates for students in that family. In 1989, 43 percent of Hispanic 16- to 24-year-olds born outside the 50 states and the District of Columbia had not completed high school or a GED. The status dropout rates for first and at least second generation Hispanic Americans were considerably lower (17 and 24 percent, respectively). It should be noted, however, that Hispanic dropout rates are still double those of non-Hispanics when the length of residency in the United States is taken into account. In other words, high status dropout rates among Hispanics are not just a problem associated with recent immigration. [13]

                                                Non- Recency of migration                 Total   Hispanic  Hispanic --------------------                 -----   --------  --------                                             (percent)     Total                               13        31       10 Born outside 50 states and D.C.        29        43        8 First generation                       10        17        6 Second generation or more              11        24       11 

How do dropout rates vary among Hispanic subpopulations?

Compared to the status dropout rate for all 16- to 24-year-old Hispanics in 1989 (31 percent), the dropout rates for Mexican Americans (36 percent) and Puerto Ricans (32 percent) were similar. However, the dropout rates for "other Hispanics" (19 percent) and Cubans (9 percent) were much lower. [14]

Mexican Americans made up about 64 percent of the Hispanic population in 1989, and about 74 percent of all Hispanic dropouts in this age group. Among Mexican Americans born elsewhere, the dropout rate was 55 percent; this subgroup accounted for about 48 percent of all Hispanic dropouts.

How does the learning environment of Hispanic and white students differ?

Research indicates that a safe and orderly school environment is key to effective learning. A student's achievement can be affected by the degree to which the school maintains such an environment. In 1992, Hispanic seniors were more likely than white seniors to report that disruptions by other students interfered with their learning, that fights often occurred between different racial/ethnic groups, and that they did not feel safe at their school. [15] Furthermore, Hispanics were almost three times as likely as whites to report that there were many gangs in their school. Hispanics were no less likely than whites, however, to report that in their school "discipline is fair," the "teaching is good," and that "teachers are interested in students."

                                        Percent who strongly                                            agree or agree                                       ------------------------ Statements about school climate       Total   Hispanic   White -------------------------------       -----   --------   ----- Discipline is fair                      68        75       68 Teaching is good                        85        89       85 Teachers are interested in students     82        84       82 I don't feel safe at this school        10        15        9 Disruptions by other students    interfere with my learning           33        40       31 Fights often occur between different    racial/ethnic groups                 23        32       21 There are many gangs in school          16        36       13 

Are the parents of Hispanic students more or less likely than those of white students to be involved in their children's education?

The degree to which parents are involved in their children's education is also crucial to effective schooling. Although the vast majority of eighth-grade students reported in 1988 that they talk to their parents about school, Hispanic eighth-graders were slightly less likely than their white peers to talk with their parents about school activities, class studies, or selecting courses. Similar percentages of Hispanic and white students had parents who checked their homework and limited their going out with friends. Hispanic eighth-graders, however, were more likely than their white counterparts to report that their parents had limited their television viewing and that their parents had visited their classes (Indicator 43, Condition 1994).

Parents of both Hispanic and white 12th-grade students reported in 1992 that they were more likely to be contacted by school personnel regarding the academic performance of their child than about their child's behavior. In general, parents of both Hispanic and white 12th-graders were contacted by school personnel for similar reasons; however, parents of Hispanic children were less likely to be asked to volunteer at school (table 44-1).

Are the course-taking patterns of white high school graduates different from those of Hispanic graduates?

The racial/ethnic background of students does not appear to affect the total number of courses that they take and the type of curriculum that they follow. In 1992, Hispanic and white high school graduates had, on average, earned a similar number of total course units (24 each) and academic units (17 and 18, respectively) (Indicator 23, Condition 1994). Hispanic graduates were, however, less likely than their white counterparts to have taken the core curriculum (4 units of English and 3 units each of science, social science, and mathematics) recommended in A Nation At Risk (Indicator 25). [16]

SOURCE: Indicator 26.

Mathematics and            1982                 1992 science courses       White   Hispanic     White   Hispanic ---------------       -----   --------     -----   --------                                     Mathematics Remedial mathematics   27.0     48.5        14.6     24.2 Geometry               53.9     29.0        72.6     62.9 Algebra II             40.5     22.5        59.2     46.9 Trigonometry           13.8      6.8        22.5     15.2 Calculus                5.0      1.6        10.7      4.7                                      Science Biology                80.1     73.2        93.5     91.2 Chemistry              34.7     16.7        58.0     42.6 Physics                15.3      5.5        25.9     15.7 Biology, chemistry,    and physics         11.2      3.7        22.6     12.8 

In addition, Hispanic graduates were less likely than their white counterparts to take higher level mathematics and science courses. In 1992, Hispanic graduates were more likely than white graduates to have taken remedial mathematics and were less likely to have taken algebra II, geometry, or trigonometry than were white graduates (table 25-2). Although similar percentages of Hispanic and white graduates took biology, Hispanics were less likely to have taken chemistry, physics, or a combination of biology, chemistry, and physics (table 25-2). However, Hispanic college-bound graduates were just as likely as their white peers to have taken at least 2 years of a foreign language in high school (Indicator 26, Condition 1994).

Do the educational aspirations of white and Hispanic students differ?

On average, Hispanic students have lower educational aspirations than white students. In 1990, 14 percent of Hispanic sophomores aspired to a high school diploma or less, compared to 9 percent of white sophomores. Forty-seven percent of Hispanic sophomores aspired to a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to 61 percent of whites. [17]

In 1990, Hispanic sophomores, however, were just as likely as whites to have teachers recommend college attendance, and to receive advice on college attendance from guidance counselors. Hispanic sophomores were also about as likely to have their parents advise them to attend college as their white counterparts (Indicator 7, Condition 1994).

SOURCE: NCES, National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988.

How different are college enrollment rates for Hispanic and white high school graduates?

Although Hispanic high school sophomores had lower educational aspirations than their white counterparts, college transition rates among Hispanic and white high school graduates did not differ measurably. The percentage of Hispanics enrolling in college in October following high school graduation was 58 percent in 1992, a difference that is statistically indistinguishable from the college transition rate for white high school graduates ( Indicator 9). Hispanics, however, were more likely to attend 2-year public colleges in 1992, where they represented 10 percent of total enrollment, than 4-year colleges and universities, where they represented 5 percent of total enrollment (Indicator 49).

Do Hispanic and white students study different subjects in college?

Hispanic and white degree recipients concentrated in different fields of study at both the associate's and bachelor's degree levels. In 1991, at the associate's degree level, Hispanic men were slightly less likely than white men to major in other technical/professional fields, but were more likely to major in arts and sciences. On the other hand, Hispanic women were more likely than white women to earn associate's degrees in the arts and sciences and business, but were less likely to earn degrees in health-related fields. Between 1977 and 1991, differences in the fields studied by Hispanics and whites at the associate's degree level narrowed for men and widened for women (Indicator 29, Condition 1994).

                                   1977               1991 Field of study              Hispanic   White   Hispanic   White --------------              --------   -----   --------   -----   Total degrees                100.0   100.0      100.0   100.0  Humanities and                  41.6    33.7       36.7    33.3 social/behavioral sciences    Humanities                   19.0    16.2       17.4    16.3    Social/behavioral sciences   22.6    17.5       19.3    17.0  Natural sciences                 8.2    10.0        6.2     6.2    Life sciences                 5.3     5.9        4.1     3.4    Physical sciences             1.8     2.5        1.1     1.5    Mathematics                   1.2     1.6        1.0     1.3  Computer sciences and            5.3     5.8        9.7     8.6 engineering    Computer sciences             0.5     0.7        2.5     2.0    Engineering                   4.8     5.1        7.2     6.6  Technical/professional          44.9    50.5       47.4    51.8    Education                    16.3    15.5        9.6    11.1    Business and management      13.9    16.5       21.4    22.9    Health sciences               4.6     6.4        4.7     5.5    Other technical/             10.1    12.1       11.7    12.3       professional 

At the bachelor's degree level, in 1991, Hispanics were more likely than whites to major in social and behavioral sciences and were less likely to major in technical/professional fields. Overall, Hispanic-white differences in the fields studied narrowed between 1977 and 1991, although almost all of the decrease occurred between 1977 and 1981 (Indicator 30, Condition 1994 ).

Do Hispanics and whites have different postsecondary persistence rates?

The persistence rates of Hispanic and white postsecondary students vary greatly by degree objective. Among beginning students whose goal in 1989-90 was a vocational certificate, a lower percentage of Hispanic students had completed one by early 1992 than had white students (32 versus 53 percent). Among beginning students who sought an associate's degree, however, Hispanic students were far more likely to have been continuously enrolled or to have reenrolled after an interruption in 1992 than their white counterparts (72 versus 53 percent). The persistence rates of Hispanic and white students pursuing bachelor's degrees were similar over this period, although whites were more likely than Hispanics to have been continuously enrolled (Indicator 10, Condition 1994).

Among a recent cohort of full-time students pursuing associate's and bachelor's degrees, Hispanics and whites displayed similar persistence rates. Nevertheless, young adult Hispanics in general have much lower college attainment rates than do young adult whites. In 1994, 52 percent of Hispanic high school graduates 25 to 29 years old had completed at least some college, compared to 63 percent of their white counterparts. In addition, 13 percent of Hispanic high school graduates in this age group had earned a bachelor's degree or more, compared to 30 percent of whites. These gaps in educational attainment rates between Hispanics and whites have not closed between 1971 and 1994 (Indicator 22).

Hispanics who do complete college take longer, on average, than whites. Of 1990 college graduates, 60 percent of Hispanic students completed in 5 or fewer years, compared to 72 percent of white students. Taking longer to graduate may result from changing schools or majors, stopping out, or taking a reduced course load for financial, academic, or personal reasons. The additional time in college can be costly to the individual, as it delays entrance into the full-time labor market (Indicator 6, Condition 1993).

Are there gender differences in degree attainment for Hispanics?

Hispanic women earn substantially more bachelor's degrees than Hispanic men, although both groups have made substantial gains in degree attainment since the early 1980s. The number of degrees earned by Hispanic men increased by 50 percent between 1981 and 1991, while the number earned by Hispanic women increased by 86 percent (Indicator 31, Condition 1994).

Does the relationship between education and labor market outcomes differ for Hispanics and whites?

Among both Hispanics and whites, those with more education have better employment and earnings outcomes. In 1992, 54 percent of Hispanic recent high school graduates not enrolled in college were employed, compared to 29 percent of Hispanic recent dropouts. Yet white graduates not enrolled in college were still far more likely than Hispanic graduates to be employed (Indicator 28 ).

Earnings among 25- to 34-year-old Hispanics, particularly Hispanic females, show that the incentive to pursue additional education is sizable. For example, in 1993, Hispanic males with 9-11 years of schooling earned 27 percent less than male Hispanic high school graduates; those with a bachelor's degree earned 60 percent more. Hispanic females with 9-11 years of schooling earned 30 percent less than their counterparts with a high school diploma; those with a bachelor's degree earned 82 percent more. Between 1981 and 1993, the earnings advantage of completing college increased for Hispanic males and females, as well as for white males and females (tables 30-1-3). However, Hispanic-white differentials in earnings exist at each level of educational attainment. For example, white male college graduates 25 to 34 years old earned 23 percent more in 1993 than did Hispanic male college graduates of the same age (table 30-1).

How do the literacy levels of Hispanics and whites differ?

Large gaps between the literacy skills of Hispanics and whites exist both within and across levels of education. On the National Adult Literacy Survey, Hispanics scored at levels that were similar to whites with less education. For example, Hispanics with a 4-year college degree have literacy levels resembling those of whites with a high school diploma. The difference in prose literacy between Hispanic and white college graduates is 46 points, similar to the difference between the scores of white high school and college graduates (52 points). However, the gap in literacy between Hispanics and whites is less for 16- to 24-year-olds than for 25- to 64-year-olds (Indicator 20, Condition 1994). The differences in the labor market opportunities of Hispanics and whites noted above may be related to the differences in the literacy levels of both groups at similar levels of educational attainment.

SOURCE: NCES, National Adult Literacy Study.

In summary, Hispanic children are less likely to be enrolled in preprimary education. Gaps in reading, mathematics, and science achievement appear at age 9, and do not narrow with age. Hispanic students are no less likely than white students to have their parents involved in their schooling, although Hispanic students are in some cases more likely to face a disorderly school environment than their white peers. Hispanic graduates are less likely to have taken advanced science and mathematics courses than their white counterparts in high school, but are just as likely to have taken foreign languages. Even though they have lower educational aspirations than whites, Hispanic students are about as likely as whites to make the immediate transition from high school to college. However, educational attainment levels are lower among Hispanic than white young adults. For Hispanics, educational attainment is positively associated with employment and earnings, although earnings and employment rates are lower for Hispanics than for whites with the same amount of education. Hispanics have lower literacy levels than whites, both in general and at similar levels of educational attainment.

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[Access to preschool education]

[Educational progress of women]